Trans(actions) : Trans(acciones)

ideas : proyectos : writings ≥ deepak lamba-nieves

Trans(actions) : Trans(acciones) header image 1

Creativity and the City

July 27th, 2010 · Films : Filmes, Migrations : Migraciones

I’m keeping an eye out for these two new films: The Radiant Child and Downtown Calling. Asides from their primary subject matter—J.M. Basquiat and the music and art culture of NYC, respectively— they offer some clues to a pressing question: in what ways do cities/places inspire creativity? The primary stage is New York City in the mid-70s and 80s, an era marked by urban fiscal crises, rising crime and other woes. Amidst all the apparent chaos, great sounds, images and ideas flourished. How did it happen? I guess some answers are contained in these works. Hopefully, these documentaries will also add more pieces to the the academic puzzles and themes that keep me busy: social organization, migration, poverty and the city. The Radiant Child will be playing in Boston-Cambridge on September 17. I’m not sure if Downtown Calling will be making it to my adoptive city any time soon, but I’ll be waiting.

Check out this Q&A with Director Tamra Davis on the Basquiat flick, and Downtown Calling’s facebook page.

Bookmark and Share

→ No CommentsTags:···

El Census

July 27th, 2010 · Uncategorized

image by standardpixel: borrowed from creative commons

Several weeks ago, while visiting some of my friends in Jamaica Plain, I saw a Census worker sitting in a small restaurant. He had a pile of forms besides him and looked tired. I tried to imagine what his day was like but came up empty since it’s hard to picture all the different people he visits and all the answers he gets while on duty. Yesterday, while walking through the narrow streets of Old San Juan, I saw the wall adjacent to a building entrance filled with big sticky notes that read: Census Bureau. Upon closer inspection, I noticed that the federal workers had been knocking at that old door for weeks in an attempt to get an accurate headcount. Compared to the Jamaica Plain enumerators, the San Juan crew has a lot of terrain to cover. According to the Census Take 10 Map, mail-in participation rates for households in some JP areas stood at 76%. In San Juan, half of all households did not mail their Census forms.

For folks like me, who study cities, policies and plans, the Census is a very big deal. I won’t bore you with the details, so let’s just say that it provides a wealth of information that we can sort, analyze and deconstruct to come up with interesting arguments and perhaps some theories. Thus, I see the Census worker as a friend, someone who makes my academic life much easier.

The SNL folks came up with a sketch that helps with figuring out what my pals face when they’re out there collecting data (see the video below—it’s classic SNL, both humorous and somewhat offensive). I’d love to hear some stories from folks who’ve been in the Census front lines. I’m sure there’s always some humor—and some pain—to relive.

Bookmark and Share

→ No CommentsTags:

“It’s Not Just About the Economy, Stupid” – Social Remittances Revisited

May 21st, 2010 · Uncategorized

By Peggy Levitt, Wellesley College and Harvard University
Deepak Lamba-Nieves, MIT and Center for the New Economy

May 1, 2010

Migrants sent $338 billion to their homelands in 2008, according to the World Bank. Origin-country governments and aid agencies alike readily acknowledge this is no small chunk of change. In the last decade, they have adopted a wide range of policies designed to purposefully tap into the economic power and promise of remittances.

Whether we see remittances as a development panacea or as a way for states to shift responsibility for solving structural problems to migrants, economics is not the whole story.

Migrants from the developing world bring with them social remittances — defined as ideas, know-how, practices, and skills — that shape their encounters with and integration into their host societies. They also send back social remittances that promote and impede development in their countries of origin. Social remittances are often referenced in the literature but not well understood.

[...]

Read the full article

Bookmark and Share

→ No CommentsTags:

Urban Resilience

March 26th, 2010 · Uncategorized

image by UNDP : borrowed from creative commons

By now, many people have begun to forget about the situation in Haiti. As an urban planning student from the Caribbean, I’m constantly thinking about what the future holds, especially now that immediate relief projects are slowly moving towards reconceptualizing and rebuilding efforts. But my mind is severely overloaded these days as I get set to take my doctoral exams in urban sociology, transnationalism and development.

In order to soothe my tiring mind, I often surf the blogosphere in search of short, interesting articles that can help me keep up with what’s happening outside my window and contextualize many of the theories that come my way. This morning I found an interesting report from NPR’s Planet Money on how small enterprises have been flourishing in the tent cities of Port-au-Prince. It’s quite brief, so I urge you to take five minutes and watch it.

Thinkers like Weber, Durkheim, Park, Castells and others have provided fundamental texts on how cities develop and what types of social relations are forged. Some of their ideas serve as starting points for explaining how Haitians are moving forward. Nevertheless, urban resilience needs new theories. There are some smart people already working on this issue, but I think development and urban scholars might find important lessons in situations where state presence is minimal, the physical environment has been reduced to rubble and the informal-formal duality is almost nonexistent.

Here’s a link to the report:

The Pedicure Economy in a Haitian Tent City

Bookmark and Share

→ No CommentsTags:

Grassroots Dominican Politics in Washington Heights

February 12th, 2010 · Articles : Artículos, Caribbeanisms : Caribeñadas, Migrations : Migraciones

Image by Salim Virji: Borrowed from Creative Commons

I recently finished reading an engaging text for a seminar on transnational migration. As part of the course requirements, we were asked to draft a detailed review. Here’s what I came up with.

——————————————–

Dominican-Americans and the Politics of Empowerment

By: Ana Aparicio

Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2006. 210 pp.

Reviewed by: Deepak Lamba-Nieves, Massachusetts Institute of Technology

On September 1, 1992, journalist David González published an article in the New York Times titled: “Dominican Immigration Alters Hispanic New York”. In the piece, González provides an account of how the Dominican population in New York City was quickly growing and how they were making inroads into its highly contested political sphere. More than just an informative note, the news story provided insights into the tensions that were brewing between Puerto Ricans and Dominicans, as the former group sought to defend its electoral turf and reputation as an ethnic group that made important claims for minorities throughout the city. Although González did a good job of weaving together different voices and points of view in the text—which provide a sense that the competition is not as fierce as some sources claimed—by the end, one gets the feeling that the road to political advancement for Dominicans in New York City was fraught with hurdles and disputes with fellow Hispanics.

Interestingly, Ana Aparicio’s book, Dominican-Americans and the Politics of Empowerment—published fourteen years after González’ report—tells a different story of how Dominicans living in the Washington Heights neighborhood participated in the local political arena, from the 1980s until the early years of the twenty-first Century, and transformed the institutional and community landscape of “‘the Dominican Mecca’ in the United States” (3). Her main argument centers on the idea that Dominican-American organizers were able to advance politically, not by relying on a neatly defined and bounded ethnic identity as a source of power, but through a series of local alliances with “native-born minorities” which included Blacks, Puerto Ricans and Mexican-Americans. What distinguishes her approach from previous studies on Dominican political activity in the United States, is a focus on second generation activists who were able to formulate a powerful political discourse that hinged on a flexible and strategic redefinition of being Dominican in the United States. Thus, her work attempts to bridge the literatures that focus on the political involvement of first and second generations migrants, and expand discussions on race, ethnicity and identity pertaining to minority populations in the United States.

[Read more : Lee más →]

Bookmark and Share

→ 1 CommentTags:···

Larry Vale on Rebuilding Haiti

January 20th, 2010 · Articles : Artículos, Caribbeanisms : Caribeñadas

The interview was originally published by the MIT News Office

Photo: United Nations Development Programme

3 Questions: Lawrence Vale on rebuilding Haiti
An MIT urban design expert explains why devastated cities are nearly always rebuilt — but why Haiti faces special challenges to reconstruction.

Peter Dizikes, MIT News Office
January 20, 2010

The human and economic toll of this month’s earthquake in Haiti has yet to be fully measured, but it is clear that the country faces an enormous rebuilding task. Lawrence Vale, MIT’s Ford Professor of Urban Design and Planning, is an expert on the reconstruction of cities devastated by natural disasters or warfare; a 2005 book he co-edited on the subject, The Resilient City, explores how and why modern societies choose to rebuild ruined metropolises. MIT News asked Vale about Haiti’s long-term prospects for renewal.

Q. In The Resilient City, you write that throughout history, devastated cities have almost always “risen again like the mythic phoenix” and “are among humankind’s most durable artifacts.” What are the crucial first steps that could allow Haiti, and the Port-au-Prince area, to rebuild?

A. Before 1800, it was more common for cities to be destroyed and abandoned, leaving the world with “lost cities” later to be recovered only as touristic ruins. In the last 200 years or so, however, it has been rare for governments to let their cities die, even after massive annihilation from war — think of Hiroshima or Warsaw in WW II. Similarly, cities tend to be rebuilt in the same location even after massive natural disasters — half a million people may well have died in Tangshan, China from an earthquake in 1976, yet that city regained its population numbers within a decade. More generally, the combination of nation-states, insurance industries and global philanthropy have all made “caring-at-a-distance” much more prevalent. Cities are no longer left on their own.

That said, the thing we loosely term “rebuilding” is at least a three-part challenge.  There is physical rebuilding, both in terms of the necessities of daily life such as basic shelter and in terms of more symbolic structures — civic institutions such as a destroyed cathedral or palace. Then there is socio-economic rebuilding, an especially difficult challenge in a place like Haiti where poverty was so broad and deep even before this particular disaster struck. Finally, there is the challenge of emotional rebuilding, the need to cope with great personal losses. Each of these entails a form of resilience.

For Haitians, resilience may well be substantially undergirded by faith, and the restoration of the Cathedral and other houses of worship will surely be regarded as key symbolic milestones signaling recovery. The leaders of most societies have also chosen to use disasters as opportunities to “build back better,” and I hope that it will become possible to enforce safer building practices in Haiti.

[Read more : Lee más →]

Bookmark and Share

→ No CommentsTags:···

Dos notas sobre Haití

January 19th, 2010 · Articles : Artículos, Caribbeanisms : Caribeñadas

cuarteles de la ONU en Puerto Príncipe : prestada por creative commons

Aquí les dejo dos notas periodísticas sobre la lo que acontece en Puerto Príncipe y en Pétion Ville luego del terremoto masivo del 12 de enero. Comparto éstas y no otras porque están bien escritas, capturan detalles importantes de cómo se sobrevive y tienen garra. La muestra también resalta los contrastes constantes del país: aquellos que polulan las calles con las barrigas vacías y los que miran desde las colinas el desastre capitaleño. Ambos artículos se publicaron en El País.

Haití ya no existe

La última imagen del presidente René Preval es la de un hombre que balbuceaba ante las cámaras, sin corbata y con los pantalones sucios, que había tenido que abrirse paso entre cadáveres, eso dijo, y que esa noche, la primera tras el terremoto, no sabía dónde iba a dormir. Pero ya han pasado cuatro días con sus noches y nadie sabe a ciencia cierta dónde está Preval ni quién manda en Haití. Tal vez no se sabe porque ya no manda a nadie. O porque, como dice Bernard, un funcionario haitiano que acompañó al reportero en su recorrido por Puerto Príncipe, “el país ha desaparecido, Haití ya no existe”.

Los ricos salen casi indemnes

-¿Qué está haciendo la clase alta de Haití por sus compatriotas afectados?

-Muchas cosas. ¿Usted sabe cuántos funerales de mis empleados he pagado yo? Eso es una ayuda, pero no se ve.

-¿Cuántos funerales ha pagado?

-Ni lo sé. Tengo 70 empleados, pero ahora mismo ni lo sé. Ya me lo dirá mi contable cuando pase esto. Primero hay que hacer la tortilla y después contar los huevos. Hacemos lo que podemos, aunque también estamos afectados. Mi sobrino ha perdido tres de sus almacenes. Y mi cuñado, que es el dueño de la Pepsi-Cola en Haití, está regalando los refrescos. Le he pedido para el hotel y me ha dicho: “Si te doy algo lo vas a vender y todo lo que tengo ahora mismo es para regalar”.

Bookmark and Share

→ No CommentsTags:··

Haiti: The State, Diasporas and Disasters

January 14th, 2010 · Caribbeanisms : Caribeñadas, Migrations : Migraciones

Haitian migrants at sea : borrowed from haupinc.org

By now most of the world knows of the catastrophic earthquake that has battered Haiti. I first learnt about it while listening to Radio Isla, a Puerto Rican station, on my mobile phone. The journalist, who patched together the breaking news with audio from CNN en Español, highlighted the fact that a tsunami wave might hit nearby island nations in the Caribbean. In those first moments, the spread effects of the quake were the primary concerns. Fortunately, no major calamities were registered outside the country.  Now the story turns back to Hispañola, where the 7.3 quake left a devastating trail of death and destruction.

The seismic activity is expected to leave hundreds of thousands dead or injured and many more without running water, a fundamental resource. In the face of mounting hardship, local and international aid workers and volunteers have flocked over to lend their expertise and offer primary goods to help the country recover. Considering the obvious need and urgency, I wonder how on-the-ground efforts will be coordinated and how aid will be distributed given that plenty of government buildings—located in Port-au-Prince—were left in ruins and state workers are amongst the many left for dead or without homes. Whether state institutions would have been capable of dealing with this calamity, even if left unscathed, is an interesting question, but matters do get more complicated without the assistance of bureaucrats who know how to navigate through the country’s social and political mazes. Even a failed state can be of some use than no state at all.

[Read more : Lee más →]

Bookmark and Share

→ 1 CommentTags:···

Talking Trash with a Historic Mayor-Elect

December 16th, 2009 · Articles : Artículos, Caribbeanisms : Caribeñadas, Migrations : Migraciones

Photo by Bill Ward : borrowed from creative commons

Photo by Bill Ward : borrowed from creative commons

Mayors are interesting political and government figures. Depending on the city or locality, they are required to be family councilors, community organizers, activities planners, development boosters or global power brokers. Some are rarely seen or heard outside the town hall while others make household visits to check up on the ill and needy as part of their daily routine. These local government executives are often the closest political representative to the masses. Hence, they are expected to be dedicated to their townsfolk and their necessities. From potholes to tax exemptions, the range of matters they have to attend to is so varied that effectively covering all the bases becomes a futile exercise that often yields few praises and many critiques. I’m not entirely sure why they accept the job. Perhaps the power and political capital that is amassed can be cashed in for higher profile positions down the road. Maybe some have much to gain with all the palm greasing and shady business practices that takes place in city management. Whatever the reasons, not all of them are primarily driven by an innate desire to serve the citizens and make their cities and towns better places to live. The really good ones are those that craft a careful balance between all of the aforementioned motives.

Through my research and professional duties, I have come to know a good number of mayors in different countries. Most of these encounters have been very brief and the content of the conversations range from pleasantries to strategic advice, or hours of questions and answers. When the chance came to meet the Dominican-born mayor-elect and state representative, William Lantigua, I wasn’t sure what to expect. After all, on November 3, 2009, he became a historic figure in Massachusetts: the first-ever Latino to be elected mayor in the City of Lawrence and in the state.

MIT’s Department of Urban Studies and Planning has been working in the City of Lawrence since 1999. With the help of students, faculty, residents, and other civic leaders, an important partnership has been nurtured where the Institute provides some assistance to the local community and aspiring planners who want to cut their teeth in community revitalization are afforded the privilege of working hand-in-hand with local residents. Because partnerships require some nurturing, the mayor-elect was invited to the Institute for a meeting with students, faculty and other partners.

I arrived several minutes before the formal partnership meeting came to an end, and from the tone and rhythm of the conversation I got the sense that both camps were still getting to know each other. Willy came to the meeting with two male advisors—one white and one Latino—perhaps to demonstrate what he claimed in his campaign: that he will represent the interest of all those people in his state, not just the vast number of Latinos—which make up over 70 percent of the population— but also other ethnic groups which populate the aptly-named “Immigrant City“.  Most of what his advisors said seemed like scripted talk. As is expected of aides, they were well versed on the critical problems, offered important budgetary  figures and other consequential data. Willy, on the other hand,  seemed more relaxed and cool. He did not seem interested in holding court, dominating the conversation nor disengaged. Interestingly, I got the sense that he wanted to get a good grasp of what those around him thought. He was listening.

borrowed from lantiguaformayor.com

borrowed from lantiguaformayor.com

What struck me most about the conversation was Lantigua’s answer to the question: what is your number one priority when you take office? His advisors had talked about schools and security, but he offered another answer: trash and clean-up. According to the mayor-elect, the City of Lawrence is in dire need of better trash and cleaning services. His response surprised me because I expected some long tirade about luring high-tech industries and investors, or a statement on how the city needed to be rebranded for the postindustrial era. It’s not that he’s not interested in these things, as I came to know later in the conversation, but that there are some matters—basic ones— which needed more attention in the immediate term. Those in the room who knew what was going on in the town, were very happy to hear this.  At that point, I began to get a better sense of Lantigua’s approach: think big, start with the basics.

Keeping a city clean and dealing with trash is no simple task. It requires much coordination amongst different government agencies, cooperation from local residents and lots of follow-up and supervision. But despite the complications, it is also a good problem to tackle, politically speaking. I have never heard of a campaign against a mayor’s decision to improve trash and recycling services. If done right, it ends up being a public service that yields collective benefits and brings different sectors together under a common cause. In this era of environmental friendliness, picking up trash can easily become Lawrence’s “green” crusade.

In recent declarations from the climate talks at Copenhagen, Mayor Michael Bloomberg noted the importance of local-level policymaking and how cities are ground zero for tackling some of the most critical environmental issues of our day:

Well I think it’s cities that are going to lead national governments to do something and I think national governments have to help each other. [...] But it’s the cities where the mayors have to make sure their economies aren’t choked by congestion, it’s the cities where the mayors have to make sure that the public doesn’t have to breathe the pollutants in the air into their lungs

Be it the environment or economic growth, there’s a lot to learn from cities and local governments. Although he has yet to start his tenure, Willy Lantigua seems to be on to something that merits closer scrutiny. If his double shift in government does not distract him and if the usual politicking and “flip-flopping” does not take hold of his administration, come January, Lantigua will be fighting an important environmental injustice: a littered city.

Bookmark and Share

→ 1 CommentTags:····

Tarde pero seguro

December 5th, 2009 · Articles : Artículos, Caribbeanisms : Caribeñadas

photo by jenny downing : borrowed from creative commons

photo by jenny downing : borrowed from creative commons

Esta mañana recibí un correo electrónico de una de mis mentoras queridas que incluía una nota periodística y una pregunta: Deepak, ¿tu sabías esto? El titular del artículo que me pasó era algo ambiguo—Errores que elevan el costo de vidapero el subtítulo era más revelador: El Instituto de Estadísticas alerta sobre método equívoco para calcular el Índice de Precios.

Hace unos meses que ando algo desconectado de los asuntos económicos de mi país. Las lecturas y ensayos académicos, y el proyecto sobre la migración transnacional dominicana me impiden desmenuzar los pormenores de la política pública y pensar a fondo sobre el desbarajuste económico boricua. Interesantemente, se me hace un poco difícil volver a realizar las gestiones que definieron mi vida profesional por casi siete años. Creo que he desarrollado un mecanismo de defensa para aislar mi mente de algunos temas del pasado, especialmente aquellos que activan las memorias agridulces de un país que no logra sacudir el fukú poscolonial que llegó a raíz del Estado Libre Asociado y se perpetúa con la incompetencia de los que forjan el camino hacia la estadidad.

Admito que me acerqué al artículo sin muchas ganas, pues las noticias sobre incompetencias y mala administración gubernamental—además de ser desagradables—han perdido la garra y el elemento de sorpresa que sirven para lanzarse hacia las páginas de un periódico. No obstante, el escrito en cuestión apuntaba hacia un tema que conocía relativamente bien y sobre el cual había escrito anteriormente en el mismo periódico: la bochornosa incapacidad para calcular la inflación en Puerto Rico. En el 2007, mientras repasaba algunas cifras para algún proyecto que no recuerdo, comencé a preguntarme cómo era posible que los índices de precios que se registraban en la isla se disparaban tan irregularmente. Consulté el asunto con mis colegas y algunos economistas bona fide—porque abundan los de pacotilla. Todos estábamos en las mismas. Ninguno tomaba en serio los números oficiales y cada uno tenía sus propios estimados para sustituir los valores errados del gobierno. Más allá de la impericia econométrica, me preocupaba que este secreto a voces no parecía importarle a nadie, especialmente a los administradores de turno. Ante este cuadro decidí escribir una columna que reproduzco en su totalidad más abajo.

Dos años más tarde, un grupo de oficiales serios se ha echado al cuerpo la difícil tarea de descifrar qué rayos pasa con los índices oficiales. El Instituto de Estadísticas de Puerto Rico, una agencia relativamente nueva, está enderezando el entuerto y resolviendo el gran misterio de la inflación en Puerto Rico. El director ejecutivo de la agencia, Mario Marazzi-Santiago, es un economista que sabe bastante de estos asuntos y está armando un proyecto importante y necesario para un país donde las cifras nacionales y los datos públicos se divulgan poco y se manejan mal. Aunque una golondrina no hace primavera, en este caso, y quizás sólo por hoy, quiero pensar que algunas cosas van cambiando para bien.

Aprovecho para contestarle a mi mentora: sí, conozco sobre este asunto y tal parece que algunas de las cantaletas que armé sirvieron para algo.

———————————————-

Aquí les dejo la columna que apareció en la revista Negocios del Domingo—Periódico el Nuevo Día, el 11 de febrero de 2007 (página6).

Nuestra inflación inflada
Deepak Lamba-Nieves, Director de Investigaciones, Centro para la Nueva Economía

Hablar de la inflación o, lo que es igual, el alza relativa de los precios en Puerto Rico es un ejercicio embarazoso porque, aunque se publica una serie mensual que presenta una medida (conocida comúnmente como el índice de precios al consumidor o IPC), las cifras calculadas están incorrectas y ningún economista respetable se atrevería a respaldarlas. Este gran secreto a voces se puede equiparar con el cuento del emperador desnudo que ningún súbdito quería denunciar. A juzgar por la inacción, parece que la corrección tiene implicaciones serias; más graves que la falta de un indicador esencial para la toma de decisiones económicas.

Para muchos, la inflación es un concepto negativo o antipático que usualmente señala cuánto más tendremos que pagar por los artículos que compramos a diario. También sirve como barómetro para descifrar el rendimiento de cada dólar en los mercados de bienes y servicios. Más allá de estos usos comunes, los niveles de inflación son seriamente vigilados por los banqueros centrales alrededor del mundo pues si los precios se elevan demasiado y no se toman las medidas necesarias el panorama económico puede complicarse. En 1985, Bolivia vivió un episodio engorroso cuando una combinación de malas decisiones y problemas políticos desembocaron en un aumento en los precios de 12,000%. De más está decir que el impacto fue catastrófico, especialmente para los pobres y las clases medias pues sus ingresos y ahorros no les daban para comprar mucho, casi nada.

El reciente anuncio de que los precios en la isla habían aumentado 15% en un año causó un revuelo en los medios de comunicación pero no tuvo mucho impacto entre los académicos y especialistas. Hace ya mucho tiempo que nos fijamos en otros números como la tasa de inflación de Estados Unidos o la de Washington D.C.–que nos demuestran que el aumento real está cerca del 3-4%– para satisfacer nuestras necesidades estadísticas. Los problemas con el índice son numerosos y si se analiza con detenimiento nos podemos percatar de que la experiencia de un consumidor promedio está lejos de los cálculos gubernamentales. Atribuirle validez a las cifras oficiales significa que cada año (desde el 1997) en promedio, los ingresos para aquellos que se ganan el salario mínimo federal se han reducido por 8%. El efecto acumulativo a lo largo de 9 años se traduce en salarios reales equiparables a los que se ganaban estos mismos trabajadores en los años sesenta. Bajo este escenario, las tiendas estarían casi vacías (sin empleados ni consumidores) y los intereses sobre los préstamos estarían por las nubes.

Durante años se ha anunciado que el índice se está revisando y que tendremos nuevos números a nuestra disposición. Mientras tanto, y a pesar de las críticas, las cifras parecen ser adecuadas para ciertos grupos a quienes les conviene utilizar una métrica inflada. Los legisladores, por ejemplo, se ajustan los salarios cada cuatro años tomando como base el IPC “oficial”. Esto significa que sus salarios aumentan más aceleradamente, quizás el doble de lo que se supone.  Recientemente la Universidad de Puerto Rico anunció que los aumentos en la matrícula se guiarán, en parte por el índice de inflación criollo. La administración universitaria debe revisar su propuesta pues, por más necesaria que sea la subida, el cálculo errado traerá nuevos problemas.

Quizás en ese momento algún funcionario de gobierno se dará cuenta de la importancia de este tema y reconocerá que por años hemos vivido bajo el peso de una inflación inflada.

Bookmark and Share

→ 1 CommentTags:··